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Johannesburg is burning
As poverty worsens, frustrated South Africans
unleash their anger on the nation’s immigrants.
Sam
Muyumba, thought he was done with killing when he left the
Democratic Republic of Congo. After civil war erupted there in 1998,
he watched friends, family and millions of his countrymen die as
neighbour turned on neighbour.
Seven years
ago, he arrived in South Africa, the continent’s richest country, to
pursue his dream of becoming a doctor in Africa’s best schools. Now,
seeking refuge from murderous crowds in a central Johannesburg
police station, he feels as vulnerable as he did back in Congo.
“They’re our own neighbours, we lived together, and I gave them
food,” he says. “Then, I saw them coming to our house. I saw them
killing people.”
The
anti-immigrant riots that have raged through Johannesburg’s
townships since May 11, killing at least 42 and making refugees of
16,000 by May 21, have unearthed a dark truth: xenophobia can be as
much about poverty as skin colour. The grim tide of killing, raping,
burning and hacking that has torn through the north-eastern province
of Gauteng, is centered on shanty towns such as Alexandra and Kya
Sand that form a ring of destitution around Africa’s commercial
capital.
While South
Africa’s overall economy grows at a steady 4% to 5% and
Johannesburg’s business district accounts for 9% of Africa’s GDP,
according to the province’s economic development agency, on the
city’s outskirts, lives have changed little since apartheid. Many
families live in the same tin shacks they occupied under white
supremacy. Most have no running water, sanitation or meaningful
health care.
In this sea of
unmet expectation, Muyumba says, South Africans vent their
frustration on the only group more vulnerable than them; foreigners.
As Africa’s most developed nation, South Africa, has long been a
magnet for refugees and economic migrants. Since 2000, some 800,000
Zimbabweans have joined the tens of thousands of immigrants from
Mozambique, Malawi, Nigeria, Congo and Somalia, already in South
Africa. Many of them have shared Muyumba’s plight in recent weeks.
He was chased from his hut in Alexandra in the latest violence, only
to be forced out of a second in Kya Sand; he finally found tenuous
shelter with thousands of others at the Jeppestown police station
compound in central Johannesburg. “If the government doesn’t do
better by its people,” he says, “we’re going to be in trouble all
the time.”
The angry
disillusionment of South Africa’s poor has another very visible
symptom: some of the world’s worst violent crime. South Africa’s
police have been quick to blame the riots on the same criminals who,
every 24 hours, murder an average of 52 people in South Africa.
President Thabo Mbeki, whose official residence in Pretoria was
burgled in May, has acknowledged the threat inequality presents, but
insists his government is bridging the divisions of the past.
More than a
million new homes have been built since apartheid ended in 1994, and
Mbeki has now named a high-level government committee to examine the
causes of the violence. Yet, critics insist Mbeki and his government
are part of the problem. Last November, the South African Institute
of Race Relations estimated that 4.2 million people were living on 1
dollar a day in 2005, up from 1.9 million in 1996, two years after
the end of apartheid. On May 21, the institute castigated Mbeki’s
performance, listing crime, unemployment, education and corruption
as key failures. “In failing to maintain the rule of law, the state
had conditioned many poor communities to violent behaviour,” it
said.
To be sure, that
conditioning began under apartheid. For many years, violence in the
townships was understandable; it escapes no one that the hot spots
of anti-immigrant brutality today were the furnaces of
anti-apartheid rebellion two decades ago. More than one African
government has pointed out that since South African rebels were then
given safe harbour in neighbouring countries, the millions of
foreign Africans now in South Africa might reasonably expect the
favour would be returned today.
Remy Kasanda long
held such hopes. He had just finished high school in the Congo when
he was conscripted into a rebel army. While he fought, his family
was killed. Six years ago, he fled to South Africa and found work as
a security guard. Now comes the reckoning. “I was at work when my
friends called me to tell me that my house was on fire,” he says.
“On my way into town, a mob attacked me with sticks.” Arriving at
hospital, “the South African doctor told me: all you foreigners must
go home.” Kasanda’s damning verdict on South Africa: “There is no
help, and it’s not safe here.”
Courtesy: TIME, June 2, 2008 |
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